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Kamala’s Opportunity Economy: A Marxist Blueprint for Government Control
September 25, 2024
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In today’s political discourse, the concept of the "opportunity economy" has been gaining momentum. It suggests a vision where the government actively ensures that everyone has access to the resources needed to succeed—be it through education, healthcare, or economic support. While it sounds progressive and inclusive, there are clear parallels between this system and Karl Marx’s "planned economy," where the state plays a central role in distributing resources and controlling production.

Let's break down the key similarities between Kamala Harris’s opportunity economy and Marx’s planned economy to understand why both systems, at their core, reflect Marxist principles where the government is the central driver of the economy.

Table: Similarities Between Opportunity Economy and Planned Economy

AspectOpportunity EconomyPlanned Economy
Goal of Economic EquityFocuses on reducing inequality by providing equal access to opportunities (education, healthcare, etc.).Seeks to reduce inequality through centralized resource distribution and state control.
Role of GovernmentGovernment plays an active role in ensuring access to resources but allows market participation.Government centrally controls all economic activity, including production and distribution.
Focus on WelfareEmphasizes welfare by providing tools (education, healthcare) within a free market system.Prioritizes welfare by directly controlling key sectors for public good.


1. Goal of Economic Equity

In Kamala’s opportunity economy, the government aims to level the playing field by ensuring equal access to resources, especially in areas like healthcare, education, and jobs. Programs like student loan forgiveness and government-funded training initiatives are examples of how the state intervenes to promote equity.

Similarly, Marx’s planned economy focuses on the redistribution of wealth and resources to eliminate class disparities. In this model, the state owns and controls the means of production, ensuring that all citizens have equal access to essential goods and services.

Conclusion: Both systems claim to create an equitable society, but their reliance on heavy government intervention to enforce fairness is fundamentally flawed. Over-centralization of economic control often leads to inefficiency, bureaucratic stagnation, and limits on individual freedoms. The excessive regulation and redistribution of resources can undermine personal responsibility, stifle innovation, and reduce incentives for productivity, all of which are critical for long-term economic growth. Moreover, such government-heavy approaches risk creating dependency on state programs, ultimately weakening the very economic foundations they seek to improve.

2. Role of Government

In an opportunity economy, the government’s role is robust. Harris and similar proponents advocate for policies where the state provides the infrastructure for success, such as affordable healthcare and universal pre-K. While private enterprise still exists, the government directs key sectors that affect the public good.

Marx’s planned economy takes this a step further. The state doesn’t just influence but controls all aspects of the economy—from production to distribution. Private ownership is minimized, and the government dictates prices, wages, and outputs.

Conclusion: While the opportunity economy allows for private enterprise within certain constraints, framing the government as the ultimate authority in shaping economic outcomes is inherently flawed. By centralizing control, it risks undermining the efficiency, innovation, and competition that private markets foster. Heavy government intervention can distort market signals, leading to inefficient allocation of resources and stifling entrepreneurship. This excessive reliance on government authority may also create bureaucratic inefficiencies and reduce individuals' incentives to take economic risks, ultimately hampering economic growth and dynamism.

3. Focus on Welfare

Both systems place heavy emphasis on welfare. In Harris's opportunity economy, the government uses tax dollars to fund safety nets like universal healthcare and affordable housing, ensuring that every citizen has a basic foundation for success. However, these programs are largely funded by taxpayer contributions, which can lead to higher taxes, particularly on businesses and higher-income individuals. This system may unintentionally disincentivize work by reducing the motivation to pursue higher wages, as individuals might receive substantial government support regardless of their employment status. Critics argue that this could lead to dependency on government aid, reducing the incentive for personal economic advancement, a common criticism of welfare-heavy models

In a planned economy, welfare is a central goal. The government’s control of production ensures that all citizens receive their share of resources, which is distributed based on need. By eliminating market-driven inequalities, the state guarantees that basic human needs are met for everyone.

Conclusion: Both systems claim to prioritize citizens' well-being but rely on flawed mechanisms. In the opportunity economy, welfare is embedded in regulations that control key sectors like healthcare and education, funded by taxpayer dollars. However, these policies often lead to inefficiencies and burdens on the economy, as higher taxes can stifle innovation and personal ambition. On the other hand, in a planned economy, the government directly provides these services, but this centralization can result in bureaucratic inefficiencies and lack of responsiveness to individual needs. Both systems, while aiming for equality, often fail to achieve their goals effectively, leading to economic stagnation and dependency.

Both Systems Are Rooted in Marxist Principles

Though the opportunity economy doesn’t fully embrace Marxist principles of abolishing private property, it certainly leans towards them by positioning the government as the primary driver of economic equity. Harris’s vision of an economy where the government ensures equal access to resources is a modern adaptation of Marxist thought. The planned economy pushes this idea further by placing complete control of the economy in the hands of the state.

In both cases, the government's role as the central force for ensuring "fairness" and redistributing resources for the so-called "public good" is deeply flawed and dangerous. These approaches undermine individual liberty by limiting market forces, placing economic control in the hands of the state, and dismissing the importance of personal responsibility and free enterprise. This concentration of power goes against the principles of a constitutional republic founded on the belief that rights come from God, not the state. The Founding Fathers of the United States envisioned a system of limited government, where individual rights and freedoms were protected from government overreach. By shifting control to the state, both systems risk eroding personal freedoms and establishing a dependence on government—a stark contrast to the ideals of self-reliance, private property, and free markets that were central to the founding of the nation. Such centralization of power paves the way for tyranny and weakens the fundamental principles that safeguard individual liberty​

 

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Lafayette: The Fire and the Fog

Act 1: Foundations and Fault Lines

In a quiet chateau nestled in the green hills of Auvergne, a boy was born into a name older than most nations. Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier—known simply as Gilbert to those who loved him—would grow to be one of history’s most celebrated revolutionaries. But from the very start, Lafayette's world was one of contradictions.

He was born into nobility, yet surrounded by stories of poverty and loss. His father, a decorated grenadier, was killed by a British cannonball before Lafayette ever saw his face. His mother, devastated by grief, fled to Paris, leaving young Gilbert to be raised by his stern but kind grandmother in the countryside. She taught him duty, discipline, and stories of battlefield glory. Under the watchful eyes of abbés and aristocrats, Lafayette soaked in the values of the French Enlightenment. Reason, liberty, the rights of man—these became the drumbeat of his youth.

But knowledge alone doesn’t make a man wise.

From the halls of Paris to the salons of Versailles, Lafayette learned to charm and maneuver. He married Adrienne de Noailles, a fourteen-year-old girl from one of France’s most powerful families. At sixteen, Lafayette was rich, married, and well on his way to joining the king’s elite guard. But behind the courtly elegance, something restless stirred in his heart. He longed for purpose—glory, as he called it. The kind that would echo through time.

So when whispers of rebellion across the Atlantic reached his ears, he was enthralled. America, a land fighting for liberty against the British—the very empire that had taken his father—became an obsession. Even when King Louis XVI forbade it, Lafayette defied him, sneaking across the sea to join George Washington’s struggling army.

From a worldly point of view, it was heroic. A young man leaving behind wealth, a pregnant wife, and privilege to fight for strangers. But beneath the idealism, there was a flaw—a subtle one, but dangerous.

Lafayette believed that man could save himself.

Through reason. Through revolution. Through liberty unanchored from any higher truth.

He didn’t yet understand what the Bible makes clear: that the heart of man is “deceitful above all things” (Jeremiah 17:9), and that liberty without virtue is just another form of chaos. Lafayette loved the idea of freedom, but he lacked a framework that could keep that freedom from becoming an idol. He was, in many ways, a knight in search of a cause—but without a compass pointing to God's moral order.

While Lafayette crossed the Atlantic in search of glory, Adrienne was left behind in Paris, pregnant and alone. She received glowing letters—tales of cannons and courage—but little concern for her own trials. She had married a boy still chasing the ghost of a father he barely knew.

In America, Lafayette was welcomed… reluctantly. The Continental Congress had seen too many glory-seeking Europeans hoping to play general. At first, they dismissed him. But when Lafayette offered to serve without pay, and when they read letters of praise from Benjamin Franklin, they reconsidered. Lafayette was given the honorary title of major-general—though he would command no troops.

He met George Washington soon after, and an unexpected friendship blossomed. Washington, a man of discipline and restraint, took the fiery Frenchman under his wing. Lafayette found in Washington a father figure, and in the American cause, a sense of belonging.

But even as Lafayette fought bravely in battle—earning respect and even suffering wounds—he never stopped chasing applause. And back in France, Adrienne suffered silently, raising children alone, enduring gossip about Lafayette’s rumored mistresses, and using her influence to protect his reputation.

She loved him. He often forgot to love her in return.

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But history—and Scripture—tell a different story.

"Unless the Lord builds the house, the builders labor in vain." (Psalm 127:1)

Lafayette’s foundation was bold. But it wasn’t biblical.

And the storm was coming.

Let me know if you're ready for Act 2: Fallout and Fractures. It will dive into the French Revolution, betrayal from both sides, Adrienne’s suffering, and the unraveling of Lafayette’s ideals.


Act 2: Fallout and Fractures


The smell of smoke lingered in the Paris air. The Bastille had fallen. The people roared. The king trembled. And in the center of it all stood Lafayette—beloved by some, cursed by others, and no longer sure who he truly was.

 

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Slavery, Union, and Constitutional Compromise: A Study of the Crittenden Compromise and the Corwin Amendment (1860–1861)

Abstract

This article explores two major political proposals advanced in the final months before the American Civil War: the Crittenden Compromise (1860) and the Corwin Amendment (1861). Both efforts sought to preserve the Union through constitutional concessions on slavery. We examine their content, motivations, political support and opposition, and how they reflected  (and ultimately failed to resolve) the irreconcilable tensions between North and South. Special attention is given to the evolving role of President-elect and later President Abraham Lincoln, whose principled opposition to slavery’s expansion shaped Republican resistance to compromise efforts. The article situates these proposals within a broader constitutional framework of federalism, natural rights, and the limits of amendment power.

I. Introduction

In the months following Abraham Lincoln’s election in November 1860, the United States faced an unprecedented crisis. Southern states began seceding from the Union, fearing that a Republican administration would restrict or abolish slavery. As secessionist sentiment grew, Congress and national leaders proposed several last-ditch efforts to avoid civil war through constitutional compromise. Among the most notable were the Crittenden Compromise, introduced in December 1860, and the Corwin Amendment, proposed in early 1861. Though differing in scope and content, both proposals reflect the extent to which the federal government was willing to entrench slavery in constitutional law in hopes of maintaining Union.

II. The Crittenden Compromise

A. Background and Purpose

On December 18, 1860, Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky introduced a series of six proposed constitutional amendments and four congressional resolutions, collectively known as the Crittenden Compromise. Crittenden, a member of the Constitutional Union Party, sought to calm Southern fears and avert secession by providing federal guarantees for slavery.

B. Main Provisions

The core elements of the compromise included:

  • A constitutional amendment reinstating the Missouri Compromise line (36°30′ N latitude), permanently prohibiting slavery north of the line and guaranteeing it south of the line in current and future U.S. territories (U.S. Senate Journal, 36th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1860).

  • A prohibition on Congress interfering with slavery in states where it already existed.

  • A federal guarantee for enforcement of fugitive slave laws.

  • A requirement that future constitutional amendments could not abolish or interfere with slavery in slaveholding states.

C. Reception and Defeat

The Crittenden Compromise was broadly supported by Southern politicians and some Northern moderates, but strongly opposed by Republicans, including Lincoln, who rejected any compromise that would allow the expansion of slavery into new territories. Through backchannels and private correspondence, Lincoln discouraged Republican senators from supporting the proposal (Basler, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 4, p. 152).

The compromise ultimately failed in committee in January 1861, and its defeat accelerated Southern secession.

III. The Corwin Amendment

A. Introduction and Legislative History

In the aftermath of the Crittenden proposal’s failure and with several states having already seceded, Representative Thomas Corwin of Ohio introduced a new constitutional amendment intended to reassure the South. The Corwin Amendment passed the House on February 28, 1861, and the Senate on March 2, 1861, just days before Lincoln’s inauguration.

The proposed text read:

“No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.”
— Congressional Globe, 36th Cong., 2nd Sess. (1861)

B. Purpose and Scope

Unlike the Crittenden Compromise, which addressed slavery in territories, the Corwin Amendment focused exclusively on preserving slavery in existing states, permanently prohibiting Congress or any future constitutional amendment from interfering with state domestic institutions, including slavery.

It was a more limited proposal, intended as a symbolic assurance to slave states that the federal government would not abolish slavery where it existed, even under future administrations.

C. Lincoln’s Position

Though a longtime opponent of slavery’s expansion, Lincoln endorsed the Corwin Amendment in his first inaugural address on March 4, 1861:

“I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.”
— Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address (1861)

Lincoln directed Secretary of State William Seward to send the amendment to the states for ratification. Some states, including Ohio and Maryland, ratified it, but the amendment never achieved the necessary approval from three-fourths of the states, especially as war broke out shortly after.

IV. Comparative Analysis

FeatureCrittenden CompromiseCorwin Amendment
ProposedDec 1860Feb–Mar 1861
ProposerSen. John Crittenden (KY)Rep. Thomas Corwin (OH)
Key ObjectiveAllow slavery south of 36°30′ in territoriesConstitutionally prohibit federal interference with slavery in states
Lincoln’s ViewOpposedSupported (as peace gesture)
StatusRejected in committeePassed Congress; unratified
Amendment NatureMultiple amendments and resolutionsSingle proposed amendment
Historical ResultFailed to prevent secessionSuperseded by Civil War and 13th Amendment


V. Constitutional and Originalist Considerations

A. Federalism and State Sovereignty

The Corwin Amendment affirmed the federalist structure of the Constitution, where states retained authority over domestic institutions, including slavery. Its logic aligned with the Madisonian view that powers not delegated to the federal government remained with the states (see Federalist No. 45).

B. Limits on Constitutional Amendment Power

The Corwin Amendment attempted to shield certain subjects from future amendment. Although Article V allows for limitations (as with the equal suffrage of states in the Senate), many legal scholars debate whether any constitutional amendment can permanently bar future amendments. This raises complex issues about constitutional entrenchment.

C. Slavery and the Founding Vision

The Crittenden and Corwin proposals represent divergent paths in response to a growing national crisis. While the Founding generation accepted slavery as a temporary evil (e.g., Madison at the Constitutional Convention), these 1860–1861 efforts reflect a move to permanently constitutionalize an institution many of the founders viewed as incompatible with natural rights.

VI. Conclusion

Both the Crittenden Compromise and the Corwin Amendment reveal the lengths to which American politicians were willing to go to preserve the Union through accommodation of slavery. However, their failure also underscores the irreconcilability of a republic founded on liberty with a system built on bondage. Abraham Lincoln’s careful balancing act was opposing slavery’s expansion while tolerating its existence where entrenched, framed the constitutional limits of compromise.

With the firing on Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, the era of compromise ended. The actual 13th Amendment, ratified in 1865, would abolish slavery entirely,  reversing the direction of both earlier proposals and reaffirming the Declaration’s principle that all men are created equal.

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The Prophet of Progress: Woodrow Wilson's Road to Power and Ruin

Act I: Foundations and Fault Lines


Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 into a deeply religious Southern Presbyterian family. His father, Joseph Ruggles Wilson, was a respected minister and educator. His mother, Janet—called Jessie—was a devoted Scottish churchwoman. From the outside, the Wilson home seemed soaked in Scripture and tradition, but beneath the surface, a different foundation was quietly forming.

As a boy, “Tommy” Wilson was clever but struggled to read until age twelve—what today might be considered dyslexia. Still, he grew to admire ideas and institutions more than people. Though he spent his childhood in the Confederate South during the Civil War, the conflict seemed to leave little mark on him emotionally. His loyalties remained Southern, though, and he absorbed the white supremacist thinking that had gripped post-war Democratic circles.

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