A coalition of 14 Democratic state attorneys general is attempting to block the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) from accessing federal payment systems, claiming that the advisory committee—led by tech billionaire Elon Musk—has no legal authority to review government financial records. The lawsuit, spearheaded by New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin, alleges that DOGE’s access violates privacy rights and separation of powers principles.

However, a strict constitutional and legal analysis suggests that President Donald Trump’s administration is well within its authority, and DOGE will likely prevail in court. The President’s Article II powers, the Treasury Department’s discretion, and existing legal precedents strongly favor the administration’s actions.

Trump’s Constitutional Authority Over Executive Agencies

At the heart of the controversy is whether President Trump, as the head of the executive branch, can direct federal agencies to review government spending and access payment data. The answer is an unequivocal yes.

Article II and the President’s Executive Power

The U.S. Constitution vests all “executive power” in the President under Article II, Section 1. This means Trump has the authority to direct, supervise, and reform executive agencies as he sees fit, within the bounds of federal law.

Furthermore, Article II, Section 3 states that the President must “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.” This obligates him to ensure efficiency and prevent waste in government programs, which is precisely what DOGE was created to accomplish.

Historically, presidents have exercised broad discretion over executive agencies, appointing special commissions and task forces to audit spending and increase efficiency. Trump’s decision to grant DOGE access to the Treasury Department’s payment systems follows this well-established tradition.

DOGE’s Access to Federal Payment Systems Is Lawful

Despite the lawsuit’s claims, the executive branch routinely grants internal access to payment systems for oversight and efficiency reviews.

Treasury’s Authority to Share Financial Data

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, appointed by President Trump, has full statutory and regulatory authority over how federal payments are processed. It is commonplace for government oversight bodies—such as the Government Accountability Office (GAO) and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)—to access financial records for audits and fraud prevention.

Unless Congress explicitly prohibits DOGE’s access through clear statutory language, the default rule is that the executive branch retains discretion over its own financial review processes. The state attorneys general have failed to cite any specific law that prevents DOGE from accessing payment systems.

No Evidence of Privacy Violations

The lawsuit also argues that DOGE’s access would violate Americans’ right to privacy. However, there is no evidence that individual financial records are being accessed. Rather, DOGE appears to be conducting aggregate reviews of federal expenditures—a function that has long been carried out by various executive oversight bodies without legal issue.

Does DOGE Have the Authority to Block Payments?

A key argument from the lawsuit is that President Trump and DOGE are seeking to block or delay federal payments approved by Congress.

While the Impoundment Control Act of 1974 limits the President’s ability to withhold Congressionally approved funds, it does not prohibit the executive branch from reviewing payments before they are made—especially to prevent fraud, inefficiency, or improper expenditures. DOGE’s review appears to fall well within this legally permissible oversight role.

Legal Precedents Favor Trump and DOGE

Several Supreme Court precedents suggest that the courts will likely uphold the President’s authority in this case:

1. Myers v. United States (1926) – The Court affirmed the President’s broad powers over executive officials and agencies.
2. Chevron U.S.A. v. NRDC (1984) – Established that executive agencies receive deference in decision-making unless Congress explicitly restricts them.
3. Trump v. Hawaii (2018) – Held that courts should defer to the President when exercising his constitutional executive powers unless there is a clear legal violation.

Unless plaintiffs can show a specific statutory violation, courts are unlikely to intervene in what is clearly an executive oversight function.

Conclusion: A Political Lawsuit, Not a Legal One

The Democratic-led lawsuit against DOGE is a political move rather than a sound legal challenge. The President has broad constitutional authority to oversee executive agencies, and the Treasury Department has clear discretion in allowing internal reviews of government spending.

With no clear legal prohibition on DOGE’s access to payment systems, and with existing Supreme Court precedents favoring presidential discretion, it is highly likely that Trump’s administration will prevail in court.

Rather than a legitimate legal challenge, this lawsuit appears to be yet another attempt to obstruct the Trump administration’s efforts to reform and streamline the federal government. The courts should reject this politically motivated interference and uphold the President’s lawful authority.

Sources:

Constitutional Provisions:

• U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 1 – Vests all executive power in the President.
• U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 3 – Requires the President to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.”

Relevant Statutes & Laws:

• Impoundment Control Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. §§ 681-688) – Limits the President’s ability to withhold Congressionally approved funds but does not prohibit executive oversight of payments.
• Budget and Accounting Act of 1921 (31 U.S.C. §§ 1101-1125) – Establishes the President’s authority over federal budgeting and financial oversight through the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).
• Federal Property and Administrative Services Act of 1949 (40 U.S.C. § 101 et seq.) – Grants the executive branch authority over federal agencies’ internal management and efficiency efforts.

Supreme Court Cases:

1. Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52 (1926) – Established that the President has broad power to control executive officers and agencies.
2. Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984) – Courts defer to executive agencies unless Congress explicitly restricts them.
3. Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392 (2018) – Affirmed that courts should defer to the President’s executive authority in policy decisions unless a clear statutory violation is present.
4. Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 591 U.S. ___ (2020) – Reinforced the President’s broad authority over executive agencies and their oversight.
5. Mississippi v. Johnson, 71 U.S. 475 (1867) – Held that courts cannot interfere with the President’s executive functions unless Congress clearly forbids an action.

Executive & Agency Authorities:

• Treasury Department Oversight Rules (31 U.S.C. §§ 321, 3512) – Grants the Treasury Secretary discretion over financial management and reporting within the executive branch.
• Government Accountability Office (GAO) Audit Authority (31 U.S.C. § 712) – Demonstrates executive branch review of federal expenditures is routine and lawful.

The Big Statement That Gets Everyone Talking

If Donald Trump were to suggest that Canada should become the 51st state, media outlets would run with the story, Canadian officials would issue statements of outrage, and political analysts would scramble to figure out what it all means. But would Trump actually be pushing for annexation? Not likely.

Instead, this would be part of his well-known negotiation strategy: start with a bold, attention-grabbing statement, spark debate, and use the momentum to push for real policy changes that advance an America First agenda.

To understand why Trump would float an idea like this, we have to break down how Canada, if hypothetically part of the U.S., would fit into the political system—and then compare that to what Trump actually wants when it comes to U.S.-Canada relations.

What Would a 51st State Look Like?

If Canada were absorbed into the U.S., its 40 million residents would make it the second-largest state by population (after California). Using the U.S. House of Representatives’ population-based seat distribution, Canada would likely receive 50-55 seats in the House—similar to California, which has 52.

Here’s how those seats would likely be distributed across Canada’s provinces and territories:

House of Representatives Projection

• Ontario (16-18 seats) – Population: 15M (similar to Texas)
• Quebec (12-14 seats) – Population: 8.5M (between New Jersey and Georgia)
• British Columbia (8-9 seats) – Population: 5.5M (similar to South Carolina)
• Alberta (6-7 seats) – Population: 4.7M (comparable to Louisiana)
• Manitoba (2-3 seats) – Population: 1.4M (like Hawaii)
• Saskatchewan (2-3 seats) – Population: 1.2M (like Maine)
• Atlantic Canada (4-5 seats combined) – Population: 2.4M (like New Mexico)
• Territories (1 seat total, possibly at-large) – Population: 125K (like Wyoming but combined)

Canada would also gain 2 Senate seats, which would have significant political implications since the country has historically leaned liberal.

Political Leanings of Canada’s Congressional Seats

• Liberal-leaning (Likely Democratic):

  • Ontario (Toronto & suburbs, similar to NYC & Chicago)
  • Quebec (Montreal, progressive & French-speaking areas)
  • British Columbia (Vancouver, similar to Seattle/Portland)
  • Atlantic Canada (Socially liberal, like New England)

• Swing/Competitive:

  • Ontario (Rural areas could be battlegrounds)
  • Alberta (Urban areas like Calgary & Edmonton could be competitive)
  • Manitoba & Saskatchewan (Could split depending on urban vs. rural vote)

• Conservative-leaning (Likely Republican):

  • Alberta (outside cities) – Canada’s version of Texas, oil-rich and conservative
  • Saskatchewan (outside Regina & Saskatoon) – Prairie, small-government mindset
  • Rural Manitoba & BC Interior – More socially conservative

If we applied U.S. voting patterns, Canada would likely lean Democratic overall, with its major metro areas outweighing its rural conservative base. That would give Democrats a long-term advantage in presidential elections, unless Republicans could make inroads in places like Alberta and rural British Columbia.

But again—Trump isn’t actually advocating for Canada to become a U.S. state. Instead, his real focus is on reshaping trade, energy, and national security policy in ways that put America First.

What Trump Actually Wants: A Stronger, America First U.S.-Canada Partnership

While the idea of Canada joining the U.S. is far-fetched, Trump has long pushed for a more favorable economic and security relationship between the two countries.

1. Trade Fairness

• Canada has historically protected certain industries (like dairy and lumber) with tariffs and subsidies, making it harder for U.S. businesses to compete.
• Trump would use the “51st state” discussion to demand better trade deals—pressuring Canada to open its markets in exchange for continued access to the U.S. economy.

2. Energy Cooperation & North American Energy Independence

• Canada has massive oil reserves in Alberta, yet Biden’s policies (such as canceling the Keystone XL pipeline) have limited U.S.-Canada energy collaboration.
• A Trump-led America First policy would likely seek to restart key pipeline projects and encourage joint U.S.-Canada energy development to reduce dependence on foreign oil.

3. National Security & NATO Contributions

• Canada currently spends only about 1.3% of GDP on defense, far below NATO’s 2% target.
• Trump has criticized NATO allies for underfunding their militaries, and if he were to push for Canada to become a U.S. state, the real message would be: "Start contributing more to defense, or we’ll take matters into our own hands."

A Best-Case America First Scenario for U.S.-Canada Relations

Instead of annexation, the best possible outcome would be a stronger, independent partnership between the U.S. and Canada that aligns with America First policies.

What this could look like under a Trump administration:
✅ Fairer trade agreements that remove Canada’s protectionist policies and open up more economic opportunities for American farmers and manufacturers
✅ Energy independence through expanded U.S.-Canada pipeline projects, reducing reliance on Middle Eastern oil
✅ Increased military cooperation, with Canada stepping up its defense spending to align more closely with U.S. strategic goals

By using the idea of Canada as a 51st state as a negotiation tactic, Trump would drive attention to these core issues and create leverage to push Canadian leadership toward policies that better serve American interests.

So, if you ever hear Trump joke about annexing Canada, don’t take it literally. Instead, look at what he’s really trying to accomplish: a better deal for the United States, without the usual political stagnation.

Sources

Trump’s Negotiation Tactics & Bold Rhetoric

• Schwartz, Tony. The Art of the Deal (1987) – Trump’s own playbook on negotiation.
• Eilperin, Juliet & Dawsey, Josh. "Trump’s Strategy: Make an Extreme Demand, Then Compromise" – The Washington Post, 2018.

Trump on U.S.-Canada Trade Relations

• United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) (Signed in 2018, replacing NAFTA) – USTR.gov
• Trump’s criticism of Canada’s dairy tariffs – BBC, "Trump Rips Canada Over Trade Policies" (2018)

Trump & Energy Policy (Keystone XL Pipeline)

• Desjardins, Jeff. "Canada's Oil Sands and Keystone XL: What’s at Stake?" – Visual Capitalist, 2020.
• Reuters, "Trump Revives Keystone XL Pipeline, But Faces Legal Challenges" (2017)

Canada’s Defense Spending & NATO Commitments

• NATO Official Reports: "Defense Expenditure of NATO Countries (2022)" – NATO.int
• Trump’s NATO Criticism: Politico, "Trump Slams NATO Allies for Not Meeting Defense Spending Goals" (2018)

Justin Trudeau has just made a disastrous economic miscalculation. His announcement of a 25% tariff on $30 billion worth of U.S. goods, set to take effect on Tuesday, with another $125 billion in tariffs following in 21 days, is nothing short of economic suicide for Canada. If Trudeau believes he can strong-arm the United States, he is about to face a brutal reality check.

Starting February 1, 2025, Donald Trump has already imposed his own 25% tariffs on Canadian and Mexican imports, making it clear that his administration will prioritize American interests. If Trudeau chooses to escalate, he should expect Trump to double down—potentially imposing 50% tariffs that would devastate Canada’s already fragile economy.

Canada Needs the U.S. More Than the U.S. Needs Canada

The simple truth is this: Canada is far more dependent on the United States than vice versa. American businesses will find other trading partners, while Canadian industries—particularly in agriculture, manufacturing, and energy—will struggle to survive without access to the U.S. market. Trudeau’s virtue-signaling might score political points with his leftist base, but it won’t keep Canadian businesses afloat when their largest and most essential trading partner responds with crushing tariffs.

A full-blown trade war with the U.S. would be catastrophic for Canada. The nation is already struggling under Trudeau’s reckless economic policies, and this latest stunt could be the final straw that pushes the country into a severe recession.

Trump’s America First vs. Trudeau’s Weak Leadership

During his presidency, Donald Trump prioritized American prosperity, ensuring that so-called allies engaged in fair trade instead of leeching off U.S. economic strength. Under Trump’s leadership, America reasserted its dominance, forcing trade partners to play fair.

Trudeau, on the other hand, is recklessly gambling with Canada’s economic future. His delusional belief that he can take on the United States without severe consequences is the height of arrogance and incompetence. If he thinks this move will solidify his political standing, he is sorely mistaken.

Trump’s Tariffs Are a Necessary Response to Canada, Mexico, and China

Every single day, an average of 300 Americans are murdered by fentanyl—a deadly drug that originates in China, is funneled into Mexico and Canada, and then smuggled into the U.S. by Mexican cartels operating on both our southern and northern borders.

Yes, Mexican cartels are now operating in Canada, and neither the Canadian nor Mexican governments have done anything to stop the flow of human trafficking and drug smuggling into the U.S. Meanwhile, China continues to supply these cartels with the poison that is killing American citizens.

And this isn’t just about fentanyl. The horrifying effects of drug trafficking and human smuggling are eroding American society, burdening our communities, and forcing U.S. taxpayers to foot the bill for the crisis.

Shame on the governments of Canada, Mexico, and China for allowing this to happen.

The Economic Reality: The U.S. Holds the Power

While trade accounts for 67% of Canada’s GDP, 73% of Mexico’s GDP, and 37% of China’s GDP, it makes up only 24% of U.S. GDP. The U.S. economy is far less dependent on international trade than our so-called allies, and yet, in 2023, the U.S. trade deficit in goods was the largest in the world at over $1 trillion.

For decades, America has been taken advantage of by globalist policies that put foreign nations before our own people. But that era is over.

We Will Win This Trade War

America is tired of getting kicked in the teeth by weak leaders who refuse to stand up for our nation. President Trump is finally fighting back—and he’s using tariffs, a powerful and proven tool of economic leverage, to protect our national security and economic interests.

By imposing 25% tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and China, Trump is making it clear that the days of America getting exploited by foreign nations are over. If Trudeau wants to play economic games, he will lose—because when push comes to shove, Canada needs the U.S. far more than the U.S. needs Canada.