Introduction: Reclaiming American Soil from Foreign Control
If the federal government can seize the private property of American citizens under eminent domain for a highway or a commercial development, then there is no constitutional or moral reason it cannot reclaim farmland from entities tied to the Chinese Communist Party. The Founders gave us tools to defend our nation, not just with armies, but with common sense. Foreign adversaries owning U.S. soil (especially near our military bases, critical infrastructure, and food production) is not merely a policy concern; it is a clear and present danger.
This white paper presents a constitutional and legal framework to expedite the reclamation of American farmland from Chinese control. It leverages the foreign commerce power, national security statutes, and the President’s emergency authorities to ensure that America’s enemies do not hold our land under our flag. This is not a question of partisanship; it is a question of sovereignty, security, and survival.

A Constitutional Strategy for Immediate Federal Action
I. Executive Summary
Foreign ownership of U.S. farmland by adversarial powers, chiefly the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and state-backed corporations, poses a growing national security threat. This paper outlines a rapid federal strategy, rooted in the Constitution, to reclaim such land without delay, drawing from the Foreign Commerce Clause, national defense powers, and historical precedent.
II. Constitutional Foundations
1. Foreign Commerce Clause – Article I, Section 8, Clause 3
Congress has exclusive power to regulate commerce with foreign nations.
Includes transactions such as land purchases by foreign entities.
2. National Security and Executive Power – Article II
The President, as Commander-in-Chief, is charged with protecting the homeland.
Land owned by adversaries near sensitive infrastructure justifies direct executive action.
3. Takings Clause – Fifth Amendment
Applies only when property is taken for public use and from persons under U.S. protection.
Foreign adversaries are not entitled to constitutional protections where national defense is implicated.
III. Immediate Federal Tools & Pathways
A. Executive Orders Under IEEPA
Legal Basis: International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), 50 U.S.C. §§ 1701-1707
Allows the President to block, freeze, or seize property of foreign entities during a national emergency.
Past uses: Freezing Iranian, North Korean, and Russian assets.
Recommended Action:
Declare a National Emergency under IEEPA.
Issue an Executive Order targeting all farmland held by:
Chinese government-affiliated entities.
Corporations with substantial CCP ownership or direction.
Immediate asset freeze, pending investigation and divestment orders.
B. Legislative Expansion of CFIUS
Legal Basis: Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act (FIRRMA, 2018)
CFIUS reviews foreign acquisitions affecting national security.
Can already block land purchases near military bases.
Legislative Proposal:
Amend FIRRMA to:
Mandate review of all past farmland acquisitions by Chinese entities.
Authorize retroactive divestment.
Criminal penalties for concealment or shell company evasion.
C. Emergency Use of the Defense Production Act (DPA)
Legal Basis: Defense Production Act of 1950
Authorizes the federal government to prioritize resources for national defense.
Includes infrastructure, agriculture, and logistics.
Proposal:
Amend to classify U.S. farmland as critical infrastructure.
Allow for emergency federal acquisition or forced divestment.
IV. Legal Precedents: Supreme Court Support for Federal Takings
1. Berman v. Parker (1954)
Government may seize private property for public use under broad definitions of "public interest."
2. Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff (1984)
Redistribution of land ownership deemed a valid public use.
3. Kelo v. City of New London (2005)
Controversially upheld taking private property for economic development.
Though not favored by conservatives, it affirms broad federal takings power.
Implication: If liberal justices upheld Kelo, a national security-driven seizure from a foreign adversary is even more defensible.
V. Strategy for Compensation
No automatic compensation for foreign adversaries under national security exceptions.
If Congress chooses to offer payment:
Must be discretionary.
Based on strategic calculus, not constitutional requirements.
VI. Summary of Recommendations
VII. Constitutional Rationale: Why the U.S. Can Reclaim Farmland from Foreign Adversaries
Eminent Domain and the Fifth Amendment
Under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment, the government may take private property for public use, provided just compensation is paid. This doctrine has been upheld in cases like:
Berman v. Parker (1954)
Kelo v. City of New London (2005)
In these cases, the government was allowed to take land from American citizens for purposes like economic development or public improvement, even when those purposes were indirect.
So the Question Must Be Asked:
If the U.S. government can take farmland from its own citizens for something as vague as "public benefit"... then why should it hesitate to take land from entities tied to the Chinese Communist Party (our geopolitical rival) for the defense of the nation?
This is not just a legal justification—it's a national imperative.
Foreign Adversaries Have No Greater Rights Than American Citizens
Foreign state-affiliated corporations do not enjoy greater constitutional protection than American citizens. In fact, they enjoy fewer protections when:
They are operating under foreign influence,
Their actions pose a national security risk,
Or their property is subject to emergency wartime or national defense powers.
Precedents for Seizing Enemy Property
World War II: The U.S. seized German and Japanese-owned property under the Trading with the Enemy Act.
Iran (1979) and Russia (2022): The U.S. froze and seized assets of foreign governments and oligarchs involved in hostile actions.
Bottom Line:
The Constitution allows us to take land from Americans under strict conditions. But when it comes to land controlled by hostile foreign powers, the bar for action is lower, not higher. This is especially true under emergency powers and national defense doctrine.
VII. In the end: the Founder's Take...
The Founding Fathers feared foreign influence as a threat to liberty and sovereignty. As Alexander Hamilton warned in Federalist No. 68, we must guard against "the desire in foreign powers to gain an improper ascendant in our councils." Reclaiming American farmland from CCP hands is not only prudent; it is constitutionally imperative.
This is not a partisan issue. It is a question of sovereignty, security, and survival. The Constitution was not written to tie our hands in the face of foreign aggression; it was written to empower us to defend this nation. We cannot allow our farmland, our food supply, our infrastructure, our very soil to be owned or controlled by those who seek our decline. Now is the time for bold, lawful, and decisive action. Reclaim the land. Protect the Republic. And remember: no enemy has the right to what generations of Americans have fought and died to preserve.